Abstract This article contributes to the literature on complexity and macroeconomic models by exploring the analytical relationship and tensions between complex phenomena and macroeconomics. By evaluating the properties of organised complexity, this article suggests alternative strategies for analysing the macroeconomy. Drawing on F. A. Hayek’s notion of organised complexity, I examine how its causal properties relate to the analytical criteria and assumptions that contemporary macroeconomic models use. The purpose is twofold: first, I associate the properties of complexity to the idea of the macroeconomy as an emergent totality arising from the causal interplay between individuals and the organising structure. This conceptually challenges modern macro and frames analytical tensions between complexity and macroeconomic analysis. Second, introducing complexity facilitates breaking away from current analytical and conceptual straitjackets in macroeconomics. Economic inquiry requires looking for alternative ways beyond standard models to analyse the macroeconomy as an emergent totality. This suggests stepping away from current formalistic methods and radical reductionism, in favour of unconventional strategies and approaches that are sensitive to rules, structures, and the causal properties of organised complexity.

El presente artículo examina la recepción que Nozick hace de la doctrina de Locke del castigo. Dicha doctrina le permite desactivar varias razones que se ofrecen en favor del contrato social y tratar el derecho natural como un sistema normativo autosuficiente. Con todo ello, Nozick llega a formular un iusnaturalismo que cabe calificar de “utópico”, en la medida en que permitiría, al mismo tiempo, la coacción legítima y la preservación de la libertad natural.

AbstractWe propose a method to characterize political ideology using network theory. Our analysis is based on the 2015–2016 Chilean constituent process, where self-convened meetings were held throughout the country to discuss which Values, Rights, Duties, and Institutions should be included in the new constitution. Using this unique dataset, co-occurrence networks were constructed by considering the concepts selected in different meetings. The nodes are the concepts, and a link between two nodes represents the association between them. Political ideology is thus analyzed as an emergent network, and we can identify the main ideological communities in Chile and describe their characteristics. Beyond the local results, the proposed methodology enables representing the diversity of a community’s political orientations in a realistic ecological context.

AbstractThis paper contributes to the literature on externalities and their classification by reconciling insights from transaction costs theory with James Buchanan’s and Elinor Ostrom’s analyses of property rights and institutional diversity. We critique the dominant Pigouvian analysis, which assumes only two forms of institutions—namely, governments and private markets—that can internalize externalities. We develop a new taxonomy of externalities that provides relevant conceptual space for a wide array of institutions that the market-versus-state dichotomy obscures. The proposed taxonomy considers two key classes of often-conflated attributes: (1) the scale of externalities, and (2) the assignability, enforceability, and tradability of property rights. This approach enriches the Coasean (transaction cost) perspective by allowing us to unbundle transaction costs in a manner that extends its applicability to nonmarket situations in which market-based transactions are either not permitted or technically infeasible. Thus, by integrating insights from two distinct Public Choice schools, we broaden the theory of externalities to not only encompass market exchanges but also to incorporate cases in which property rights are, and will remain, unclear. We conclude that institutional diversity can offer adaptable solutions to tackle medium- and large-scale externalities.

In October 2015, the government of Chile started a constitution-making process, which allowed citizen participation. During the participatory phase, citizens gathered in local selfconvoked encounters to debate on four dimensions: constitutional values, rights, duties, and institutions. For each one of these four dimensions, participants collectively selected seven concepts from a list provided by the government or added new ones. For each concept, they wrote down a short argument explaining why this concept should be included in the new constitution. Although this process did not result in a new Constitution, the citizen consultation resulted in a valuable and unique source of information about people’s social and political preferences. The first objective of this work is related to the constitutional process itself and the citizen participation. The Chilean process exhibited two critical design weaknesses we analyze here. The first one is representativeness: the voluntary nature of the encounters increased participation biases, as those citizens who support the acting government were more likely to participate in the consultation. We study the determining factors of citizen participation in ELAs by setting up various regression models at the municipality-level. We found that engagement in politics and support for the government increases participation, which suggests that citizen involvement in the constitutional process may have been ideologically driven. The second weakness is the group deliberation quality. For a public deliberation to produce epistemic superiority, all the participants should have access to relevant and accurate information and evidence. Then, we analyze the written arguments for each selected concept, using structural topic modeling and natural language processing. We show that the emergent content can be ideologically differentiated, and that groups from municipalities with higher socioeconomic index, on average, produce higher-quality deliberation compared to groups from less developed municipalities. The second object of study comes from the data. The dataset gathered in the local participatory phase provides a rich source of information about people’s political preferences. To map the political ideology, we built co-occurrence networks where the nodes represent the constitutional concepts, and the links represent the association among them. Then, we aim to discover the structure of the ideology by examining the resulting networks, and identifying clusters - highly connected groups of concepts - inside them. The communities we found are consistent with the political conglomerates existing in Chile in 2016. Finally, using natural language processing techniques, we extracted psycho-linguistic features from the argument texts. These features are “internal factors”, for they respond to the intrinsic psychological, emotional, attitudinal or cognitive state of the subject, which affects their political ideology. Next, we set up a discrete choice model to study the effect of those features in cluster membership. We find that the progressive-left cluster shows a more propositive and non-agentic attitude when referring to values, as opposed to the traditional left. Regarding the dimension of rights, the right-wing cluster displays a more valorative attitude, suggesting that first-generation rights may also play the role of values. Throughout all chapters, and by the methods we use, this work attempts to contribute to the field of computational social science

Internal factors-such as psychological traits or individual attitudes-relate to and explain political cleavages. Yet, little is known about how locus of control, agency, and modal attitudes impact political ideology. Utilizing textual analysis within the context of the Chilean 2015 constituent process, we go beyond traditional survey methods to explore community clusters in “Values” and “Rights” networks built upon the deliberation of 106,000 people. Our findings reveal distinct attitudinal patterns across political orientations: the progressive left generally exhibits a more propositive and non-agentic attitude, the traditional left adopts an evaluative stance towards values, and the right-wing community leans towards a factual attitude but shifts to an evaluative stance when discussing rights. These results underscore the role of psychological constructs in shaping political ideologies and introduce textual analysis as a robust tool for psychological and political inquiry. The study offers a comprehensive understanding of the complexities of political behavior and provides a new lens through which to examine the psychology of political ideology.